Those who have not followed the Bangladesh student movement from the beginning will hardly be able to understand all the developments today. A series of dramatic events unfolded in Bangladesh last week. What began as a student movement demanding a fair quota system for government jobs quickly expanded into a nationwide demand for Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's resignation after around 300 people were killed in protests. On August 5, Sheikh Hasina fled the country and submitted her resignation to Army Chief General Waqar-uz-Zaman. Nobel laureate and eminent economist Professor Muhammad Yunus was then proposed to head the interim government, which was quickly formed and over a dozen lawmakers took the oath of office. The new government, led by Professor Yunus, includes two student leaders, Nahid Islam and Asif Mahmood, who played important roles in organizing the movement that led to previous Prime Minister Hasina's downfall. It could be considered a success story for the student-led revolution, but as I write this, the country faces enormous challenges that make it difficult to celebrate the victory:
An Interim Government in an Atmosphere of Violence
The urgency to form an interim government came with the chaos that immediately erupted following the departure of Hasina. All across Bangladesh, police stations were occupied and attacked by protesters within hours of the Prime Minister's resignation. Many police stations, particularly in Dhaka, were ransacked and burned down by angry crowds. The violence mainly stems from anger towards the police over their role in suppressing the protests. It has left many police stations in bad shape and police officers went into hiding, fearing for their lives.
A power vacuum has created unexplained insecurity, which has been exacerbated by executive decisions that have led to the release of political prisoners, some of whom had spent years in prison. There are suspicions that the previous administration members are trying to assert influence over the new administration, but it is difficult to fathom why they should take such risks when their leaders are already living in exile abroad.
Temples Are Being Attacked
The temples of the biggest minority, the Hindu community, have been attacked, and these people are living in fear. On the 7th of August, the house of one of the most renowned musicians, Rahul Anand, was set on fire. The act drew country-wide condemnation. Hundreds of members of the Hindu community protested in Dhaka on 9th August demanding their safety. On the bright side, students and volunteers—who are in charge of traffic and securing neighborhoods—are organizing vigils to protect Hindu temples. However, it is not good for the image of the country that we have to provide protection and raise funds to keep civilians safe.
Persisting Power Vacuum
While the renowned Professor Muhammad Yunus is leading the interim government, there are massive challenges that he must face. Members of the new government said that restoring the country's law and order would take time as strict reforms were needed in all institutions. Though law enforcement officers have been ordered to return to their duty stations, they are still requesting measures to ensure their safety amid the ongoing violence.
Meanwhile, India, Bangladesh’s largest neighbor, is voicing concerns over the increasing violence in the post-Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina scenario. Their latest concern is a rise of religious extremism. The current power vacuum and chaos may provide ample momentum to religious groups. According to Indian media, this has the potential to lead to a cross-border conflict and might pose a threat to their sovereignty, not to mention the northeastern states of India that share a long border with Bangladesh.
Given the volatile situation, these concerns are partly justified. The sudden downfall of Hasina, who enjoyed a stable, cooperative relationship with India, has created fears that could be exploited by extremist groups. Some of the anxiety expressed in Indian media, however, can be regarded as exaggerated—particularly that related to a major refugee crisis or Islamist takeover.
Many in Bangladesh are saying most of the violence during the protests was politically motivated and not driven by religious extremism. The newly formed government under Professor Yunus does appear to be committed to stabilizing the country and bringing back law and order. But there are also calls for caution, and rightly so. It is, however, important to distinguish between legitimate security concerns and exaggerated fear that may create unnecessary panic and strain bilateral relations between neighboring countries. Besides, Bangladesh could express some of the same concerns over India’s Modi administration and their treatment of the Muslim population.
The Fall of the Status Quo
I, like many others, am optimistic that this movement will bring fundamental changes to Bangladeshi politics and a new political landscape that will cast out corrupt elements from the equation because the fall of the past status quo is driven to a large extent by the country’s youth. The reputation of Professor Yunus also plays a big role in this. The previous government's prosecutions against him only enhanced his popularity. I am hopeful that he will do his utmost to restore the institutions as quickly as possible.
However, experts suggest that it could take up to three years to prepare the country for an election. Members of the interim government are constantly asked about the duration of their tenure yet, there is no straightforward answer from them. Political parties, on the other hand, warn that delaying elections beyond three months could create further constitutional complications.
In my opinion, the best argument for this government to stay longer than a year is that it would help the students who led the protests, as many of the younger protesters who joined the movement are not yet old enough to vote. It is therefore impossible to predict who is likely to win the elections if they are held within three months. But if they wait it will create an opportunity to form a new political party led by students and make it possible for the younger protesters to express their voices in the elections.
There are, of course, risks that come with this strategy. Like many other successful mass movements, the recent uprisings in Bangladesh have seen the emergence of opportunists eager to capitalize on the cause of overthrowing the government. These are the same entities that, despite years of opposition, were unable to dislodge Sheikh Hasina during her 15-year rule. Now that the mood has shifted, they are using their newfound freedom to speak out and position themselves as key players in the revolution.
One of the most prominent among these is the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), which, along with the banned Islamist party Jamaat-e-Islami, has resurfaced almost overnight. These parties are leveraging social media to assert that they are the true orchestrators behind the scenes, attempting to gain influence in this new political landscape. Beside these two, another group has taken a keen interest in the unfolding situation: Hefazat-e-Islam. Hefazat-e-Islam is a “non-political” Islamist organization that demands Sharia law in Bangladesh, opposes secularism, and has seen many of its members resurface in the wake of Hasina’s departure. While these groups seek to profit from the instability, the future of Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League, the oldest political party in Bangladesh and a cornerstone of the country’s independence, remains uncertain. The students, who played an important role in bringing about the change of government in an effort to ensure a better future for Bangladesh, are now loaded with responsibility in a situation prone to uncertainty. While only a few days back, these same students were celebrated as heroes, they are now at risk of being the first ones to be blamed in the case that something goes wrong.
The opportunistic resurfacing of extremist groups might disrupt the prospects of a free, just, and truly democratic Bangladesh whose propelling momentum was fuelled by the student movement. When the dust finally settles, the interim government should be quite cautious about how it handles these very troubled waters, if indeed it wants to ensure that the ideals and principles that arose from the uprisings are not hijacked by various groups of people who want to replace one form of autocracy with another. The future of Bangladesh hangs in the balance, and it is the decisions being made at this moment that will take the nation into either a new era of democracy or back into the cycle of hunger for power. I only hope that the students who have given so much already will be able to see their vision for a better Bangladesh come to life. Yet, in the meantime, the country must remain vigilant against those who would manipulate the revolutionary spirit of the protests to their advantage.
Written by Mahmudun Nabi.
Cover photo by Rayhan9d.